Saturday, January 28, 2012

Interview with Sir Charles Coulombe: On America 1861-1865

In December 2010 I had the opportunity to interview Charles Coulombe, who had long been a friend by correspondence, and who I had met briefly, but with whom I had never been able to have the long-form interview I have become so accustomed to and with which I've built a subscription site.

 This interview is one of three I did with Charles when he visited Kansas City last November for interviews, barbeque, and a quick tour around the town.

 Accepting the premise that it's ludicrous to pretend to comprehensively cover the themes of perhaps the most important turning point in our nation's history in 30 minutes, we do try to talk about what we think was lost in 1865, what is always lost when there is change, and the role of Catholics and the Papacy in and with the Confederacy.

I normally release excerpts of my interviews with the teaser to subscribe to my video site.  This video is one of a series of full-length interviews I am releasing between now and the Feast of St. Thomas Aquinas on March 7th which will give non-subscribers a chance to see what subscribers get (the subscribers have had access to this interview for 30 days already).  Learn more about my interviews here.


Monday, November 29, 2010

Conservative, not Republican

Dedicated to the felicitous memory of 
Chalmers Johnson 1931-2010

Some time ago one of my former MBA classmates, confused by positions I had taken on some issues (because those stances didn't fit into neat partisan boxes), had asked, “but aren’t you a ‘crunchy arch-paleo-conservative?’” I laughed, as I realized how incomprehensible that label may be, especially in a world dominated by blowhards like Rush Limbaugh, Bill Maher, and Bill O’Reilly. T.S. Eliot once famously defined himself as a “royalist, classicist, and anglo-Catholic.” Simplicity is best when trying to describe an overarching philosophy.

This month we also had the Midterm elections, in which the so-called "Tea Party" was responsible for energizing voters.  When friends asked if I was happy because "conservatives" won, I realized that most people still think of "conservatives" as a large, amorphous, indistinguishable-in-its-parts blob.

So rather than describe an ideology (which conservatism is not) or a system of beliefs (which conservatism is not), I propose to look at two particular current issues through my lens, which I purport to call a “conservative” one. As I do so I will explain why such positions are conservative. To save a whole lot of time at the outset, I should mention that having a show on, or being featured on, Fox News is not necessarily a sign of conservative bona fides. It’s simply a sign that you’re probably a Republican, which for decades has meant: 1) collusion with big business to the detriment of small business, 2) warmongering, 3) bad foreign policy, 4) bad monetary policy, and much, much more in the way of harmful tyranny.

Jingoism and the American War Machine

While I was at Marine Corps Recruit Depot, San Diego, California, I heard a great many things in the 13 weeks that culminated in my earning forever the title “United States Marine.” But perhaps the quote that has stayed with me the longest came from one of my professors during a military history class: “A true warrior prays for peace but trains for war.” Conservatives are antiwar by disposition because they know what horrible wreckage it makes of communities and people; but, when brought to a war, conservatives’ antiwar sentiments are not an intellectual pacifism. Conservatives seek to know whether a war is just before engaging in it.

Before I speak about the wars that Americans are most recently acquainted with, our misadventures in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is important to look back to where American imperialism began: the Monroe Doctrine.

This staple of US history tests was an assertion made by a very young country that an entire hemisphere was under its guardianship. Yet, how often the Europeans laughed at the hubristic assertion in its nascent days, they have lived to see that Monroe Doctrine metastasize with an addition of a Roosevelt Corollary, a “war to make the world safe for democracy,” and the non-disputable notion of American exceptionalism and policing of the world cheered on by the simians at the Project for a New American Century.

The idea of using bayonets to “make” the world “safe” for “democracy” was last effectively challenged between 1861-1865, in the War for Southern Independence. During this time the last stand of the American who believed in home, family, states’ rights, and tradition, was made. They stood against the collusion of Big Government and Big Business, encouraged by (surprise!) a Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, and they stood for the constitutionally guaranteed right of secession. The South painfully learned the lesson which America would later impart to other regions as “benighted” as the South: “if we disagree with you, and you have assets we want, we will invade you, loot you, and lamely try to convert you, and usually fail; we will afterward give up and go home.” When the South could hold out no longer, and had to learn to love Big Brother, the Old Republic died.

Since that time, America has, with few exceptions, often unthinkingly entered wars that have only caused more problems. World War I, which would have finally ended on its own exhausted terms (like the American War at Appomattox) rather than the triumphant revanchism when we went “over there” and tipped the scales in favor of the “Allies,” determined to see “good” and “evil” in an utter mess that Europe had gotten herself into and that we had no part intervening in. To this day the vast majority of Americans don’t know that the reason the Lusitania sunk so spectacularly was because it was carrying munitions and those ignited when the torpedo hit the hull (Never mind that carrying munitions de facto made it not a civilian ship and hence a legitimate target on the open seas).

Our ill-timed intervention in the “Great War” led to a horrific guilt laid on the backs and hearts of Germans, who were only too happy to devote themselves to a man who celebrated them and their kultur and told them they weren’t trash and weren’t solely responsible for the greatest war ever fought on Europe’s soil. No Versailles means no Hitler, and that simple conclusion was something I realized as a 17-year old in AP US History class.

But what about World War II? Surely that was just? Perhaps, but can we not see that it only occurred because of how we mismanaged the peace of World War I? This is to say nothing of the horrific murder of innocent Japanese civilians at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. These atrocities were committed by the “indispensible nation” and were rivaled only by the bombings of Dresden, Tokyo, and London. The end of WWII provided the excuse and odd mandate for Alfred Thayer Mahan’s wildest dreams to come true: a global empire of bases to buttress sea power and global military dominance that has its current expression in what Donald Rumsfeld articulated as a “lilly-pad base” strategy.

Insertion of troops in Japan and later Korea continued to perpetrate the notion that America, the only nation who took up arms to “help people” had any business having troops in Asia. We would continue to not learn this lesson in Vietnam. Andrew Bacevich, in his well-written Washington Rules, thoughtfully laments that perhaps the greatest tragedy of Vietnam is that we learned absolutely nothing from it.

The military industrial complex, so named by a former Supreme Allied commander (who knew a thing or two about the military, perhaps), once it had experienced the exorbitant benefits of war, would never again settle for the measly dividend of peace. New wars and new enemies would fuel new weapons and new money for budgets, black and otherwise. This would eventually have outgrowths in the horrid revolving door between both military contractors and defense personnel and people who are supposed to oversee and regulate the relationship between the same: a model which has been copied by the agro-industrial and medical-industrial complexes.

Understanding America’s misconceived Adventures Abroad in this broader context, to say nothing of the secret wars of the CIA which have caused still-coming blowback, helps us to understand why Gulf Wars I and II and Afghanistan had to happen.

In none of these wars was America’s national security threatened. Indeed, like the brutal takeovers of Hawaii and Guatemala in years gone by, what was at stake was powerful business interests, never the sentiments or vital interests of the native peoples. In the most recent wars America has been engaged in, we have followed the Eisenhower Doctrine of securing an uninterrupted flow of oil as vital to our national security.

This was even more distressing as we commemorated the 9th anniversary of 9/11 this year. Iraq did not attack us on 9/11. Afghanistan did not attack us on 9/11. Even if you believe the government conspiracy theory that is articulated in the 9/11 Commission Report (a document which, like the Patriot Act, most Americans have no real knowledge of), it is humorous to consider that the Taliban, funded by and supported by former CIA asset Osama bin Laden, was given its strongest growth during the US-funded radicalization of the mujahedeen during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and is today supported by the Pakistani ISI, who, of course, receives money from us through our aid to Pakistan: an aid package masquerading as bets against “terrorism.” Irony is supposed to be funny, though darkly at times, and we are told that America, the soi-distante “Exceptional Nation” will triumph where the British and the Soviets failed on the border of a nuclear Pakistan. Not bloody likely.

We will lose the war in Afghanistan and its consequences will bleed into the failed state that Iraq is destined to become, even as President Obama, in Nixon-esque fashion, finally gets us out of something he was elected to end.

In the meantime, America’s reputation continues to suffer under President Obama, who has continued to let the NSA and CIA run wild, has tacitly sanctioned the use of torture and secret prisons, to say nothing of the status quo continuance of the mishandling of North Korea and the never-ending treatment of Japan as a client state in military matters, directly contravening the will and desires of the majority of the Japanese people. So much for democracy.

The Bailout

Conservatives believe that peace and security follow the ancient axiom that charity begins at home. What matters are small, local communities that together form a nation, and usually, a people. America today is neither a nation nor a people, so it was with surprise to everyone that Congress responded to the first bailout bill by defeating it, in response to commonsense Americans jamming congressional phone lines with threats.

The talking heads who got America into the financial mess in the first place by absurd suggestions (Alan Greenspan’s stupid encouragement of home equity loans, the idea that you should transform an asset into a liability so that you can buy more consumables), encouraged by government backing of private initiatives (the eventual Fannie/Freddie bailout and the complete asleep-at-the-switch behavior of the ratings companies like Moody’s, the banks, and the charlatans at the SEC, which behaved in typical governmental fashion when, warned of a certain Bernie Madoff, chose the path of ignorance. This governmental trend of ignoring actionable, backed intelligence shows no signs of abating. Witness the Christmas 2009 underwear bomber’s father’s warnings, or numerous FBI and CIA officials warning of 9/11, best exemplified in President Bush’s Presidential Daily Brief of August 2001, entitled “Bin Laden determined to strike in US.”) were shocked, shocked that Americans were against giving wheelbarrows of cash to banksters.

Yet, the bailout proceeded. The banks, protected in law since the deeply harmful and pernicious Federal Reserve Act of 1913, and emboldened by President Clinton’s Republican-backed repeal of Glass-Steagall, get to socialize risk while privatizing profit. Just like our war policies, which socialize harm and privatize profit for Boeing, Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, KBR, Halliburton, and Blackwater.

The bailout continued into a new and trendy Keynesianism that believed that printing paper money and giving it away to the states would solve everything, and 5 minutes of watching any cable news channel will tell you that we will have “recovered” as a nation the minute our drunken orgy of spending restarts by indicating greater amounts of purchases of Nintendo Wiis or Apple iPads, or other similar non-contributors to our economy or culture (I’ve often told my students that the engraving “designed in California” on the back of their iPods is a psychological consolation prize because “made in China, at the expense of 250,000 American jobs” didn’t sound so great).

As long as Americans believe “always low prices” to be more important than the Sermon on the Mount, we will be subject to “free markets” where Americans think of themselves as consumers first and as members of a community dead last. This of course leads to the death of communities and the bankruptcy of the consumer.

The “wisdom” of the free market has irresistibly led to the almost complete end of American manufacturing. Americans have become the biggest debtor nation not just because we irresponsibly spend billions of dollars on insanely stupid militaristic imperial overreach, ignoring the lessons of history that all empires eventually fall, but because every minute of every day of every hour we buy goods from other countries.  Those countries then use that money to build infrastructure while we merely consume most of the products we buy while finding ourselves on an out-of-control classic death spiral in manufacturing. Ever the “exception” America sets out to be a great nation while manufacturing nothing.

Government can change laws but it cannot change culture. People and religion change culture. Anyone who knows history knows that people can be temporarily distracted by celebrity and flash for a while (President Kennedy and the current man in the Oval, for example) but over time people are moved by the Permanent Things.

“I agree with a lot of the things you say, Stephen,” said one of my former students over dinner recently. “But it isn’t practical.” America is in the final stages of many different terminal diseases. Extreme times call for extreme measures, and here are a few (not all) extreme measures we can take as a country and a few common-sense measures we can take as individuals.

Globally


1. Withdraw from Afghanistan, Iraq, Germany, Korea, and Japan over the next two years and close the majority of our 700 bases and secret prisons worldwide. Spend money retraining our to-be-laid-off men and women in uniform in critical areas of need in our economy (we are still in a position to lead the "green" revolution). We can use the money from the obscenely bloated $770 Billion defense budget.

2. Stop foreign aid to all countries. This paternalistic policy has a lot more to do with political control than humanitarian concerns, as it effectively cripples the organic economic growth of developing countries.

Nationally

1. End the Federal Reserve, but only after a comprehensive audit that illustrates the depths of deceit this private cabal has subjected the entire country to since its evil conception on (appropriately named) Jekyll Island.

2. Seal our borders and stop being a release valve for a corrupt Mexican government. The subsequent political pressure buildup should cause a serious revolution that deals with the real problems in that country instead of making those problems now the problems of two countries.

3. End governmental regulation of things best handled by people, not governments. Government doesn’t educate people, people do. End the Department of Education.

Locally

1. Buy from local merchants whenever possible, even if it means you pay slightly, or a lot, more. I understand that many things are bought online, but try to keep a community together, or when hard times hit, those national chains not anchored to your place will leave. Where will be your always low prices then?

2. Buy your food locally and not from agribusiness, be it from a farmers’ market or from a small local supermarket. Pay more for your food, and eat less. We’re an obese nation because we can’t stop stuffing our fat faces.

3. Put together a plan to be completely debt-free, have a savings account, have a few weeks’ supply of food and water in case of an emergency, and have some items of fungible value, be it gold or silver jewelry or coins, or even, as Kirkpatrick Sale recently sensibly suggested to me, bullets, to sell and trade should a catastrophic situation, God forbid, befall us.

At the end of the day, conservatives resist “change” because we know it probably won’t work anyway (6,000 years of civilization means a lot of people have tried things already) and because we prefer the devil we know to the one we don’t. We resist striving towards Babel-like-heaven-on-earth brave new worlds because we know such strivings to be vain in every sense of the word. We know we are fallen human beings, and imperfect until He perfects us, we are content to work out our salvation in fear and trembling, looking to our God, families, local communities, and nation first, and everyone and everything else after that.

Thursday, October 28, 2010

The GRE? No Sweat.

This article originally appeared in the Sigma Tau Delta Fall 2010 Newsletter.

Standardized testing is a blight on our educational system. It exists simply because of the overwhelming number of applications to undergraduate and graduate programs. When grades, personal statements, portfolios, and letters of recommendation fail to winnow, admissions committees look to a timed multiple-choice exam. They need a tiebreaker and this is the “best” the system has come up with. It’s deplorable, but I’m here to offer you advice about how to do better on the GRE, not to complain about things we can’t change.


Before you start worrying about this test, make sure the schools you are looking at actually require it. If they do, ask if they care only about the verbal score or about both the math and the verbal. You will also want to know whether they require you to write the two preliminary essays in front of the test. Some schools rely on your portfolio and allow you to simply skip those essays when you are testing.

Make sure that you ask about the relationship of those scores to admission as well as funding; for example, some schools may only care about your verbal score for admissions, but if you want money, your math score will matter, too.

The verbal section, then, is almost an afterthought for an English major. There are four components to it: sentence completions, analogies, reading comprehension, and antonyms. Thus, vocabulary is the dominant skill tested. Now, everyone knows that you develop great vocabulary by reading, but that doesn’t mean the occasional arcane word won’t make it in to your particular exam. That’s because each exam is different.

I don’t mean different just because it’s on a computer. It’s different because the test is adaptive. As a CAT (computer-adaptive test), the test responds to your right or wrong answers and gives you more difficult or easier problems, respectively, based on your answers. The catch? Difficult problems are worth more, so if you are doing well, it should feel challenging all the way through.

So, when you are looking at that more difficult problem, and you have it narrowed down between two or three answers, remember to stop focusing on those answers and go back to the problem and think about what word you would use if you weren’t looking at the answers. When you have that firmly in your mind, only then go back to your answers. At that point you will hopefully be leaning more one way than the other.

As for the reading comprehension, try not to fall into old habits. Look at the question presented before you feel the need to read or skim the passage. If the question is about line #12, read the context and then answer. Reading the whole passage may make you feel psychologically better, but with a ticking clock, it doesn’t really help. If, on the other hand, the question is about “the author’s tone,” then of course you have to read/skim the passage.

As far as the math goes, the handicap is not that the math is difficult. It is that many English majors didn’t have to take too many math classes in college so they are rusty, to say the least. There are resources that cover the math that you will need. The Princeton Review puts out a great series called Math Smart, which has two volumes. If you know the math covered in these books you will have the raw material in order to do well.

Before you even start studying for the test, you should visit the websites of either Kaplan or the Princeton Review. They offer free practice GREs, and you can take one to see how you would do and also to figure out what you need to study. If you choose the self-study route (you are a disciplined nerd), then pick up The Official Guide to the GRE, 10th edition. It’s the only book put out by the test makers and it offers answer explanations to questions that have actually appeared on past GREs. You will also want to take the free practice GREs provided here: http://www.ets.org/gre/general/prepare/powerprep/download/

For those of you less-disciplined nerds, or those who feel like a test prep course might help, make sure that you get a referral from a friend or colleague. Test prep does help, but at the graduate level, it’s very dependent on the quality of the instructor, and that is uneven throughout this great land of ours.

Finally, if you do not prep at all, have the good sense to at least take a practice test before you go in there. English majors may procrastinate, but hopefully, we don’t resist good advice.

Stephen Heiner has, for the last six years, owned a test prep company called Get Smarter Prep.  It is currently based in Kansas City, with branch offices in Omaha and St. Louis. He earned his BA in English Literature at Rockhurst University. He was the Midwestern Region Student Representative for 2009-2010.

Thursday, September 9, 2010

Reflecting on 9/11: Lessons Still Not Learned


On August 7, 1964, Congress, urged on by President Johnson, passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution.  The measure passed unanimously in the House and with only two dissenting votes in the Senate.  Three days before this the President had ordered retaliatory bombing on North Vietnam in response to an alleged attack on one of our destroyers on August 4th.  In his speech to the nation, President Johnson said that “we seek no wider war” and that these actions were being taken “in support of freedom and in defense of peace.”  This resolution was the camel’s nose into the dark tent of the Vietnam War.

Yet, today, most Americans can’t tell you what the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was, and more tragically, even among the cognoscenti who could, most of them don’t know that declassified documents and tapes have shown that President Johnson and Secretary of Defense MacNamara lied and obfuscated about the events of August 2nd and 4th in order to further their own agendas in Southeast Asia.  (There is a helpful book which compiles the White House tapes of that time period and features these conversations.)  What does a forgotten incident and a forgotten resolution tell us, so many years later?  That history repeats itself, and that because we are an ignorant people, we don’t even know it has repeated.

This Saturday is the 9th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, D.C.  These attacks were the pretext for an emotional response which President Bush delivered on September 20th, 2001.  In this speech, President Bush not only targeted Al-Qaeda, but every single terrorist group in existence, committing us to an endless and unwinnable “War on Terror.”  The Afghan Taliban government (which we had birthed and nurtured through our support of the mujahedeen in their previous war against the Soviets) asked for the United States to produce proof that Bin Laden had orchestrated the attacks and pledged to turn him over to us in exchange for it.  President Bush, predictably, responded with an invasion.

But this was not all.  The events of 9/11 led to the passage of the Orwellian-named “Patriot Act” which was passed into law in the dead of night, and was read by virtually no one because of its 342 page length.  This act, to this day not well-known or understood by the majority of either those who voted to make it law nor by those whom it ostensibly governs, gives the President and the government broad powers to spy on and imprison American citizens, without warrants, charges, or habeas corpus.

9/11 was also used as part of the pretext for invading Iraq.  Just as with the Gulf of Tonkin case, military intelligence was skewed and distorted in order to produce “evidence.” In this case, the “evidence” was of weapons of mass destruction.  Secretary of State Colin Powell bravely went to his political funeral at the UN as he presented “evidence” of chemical sites in Iraq that were later shown to be outdated photographs or simply phantoms in the desert.   The Congress, no longer in the emotional shock of 9/11 in October 2002, more strongly dissented; still, the Iraq War Resolution – a resolution to attack a country that had not attacked the United States and posed no clear or present danger to our national security interests – passed in the House 296-133 and in the Senate 77-23.  As you read the dissenting words of those 2002 debates, you clearly hear the echo of the lone two dissenting senators to the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in 1964: “That means sending our American boys into combat in a war in which we have no business. which is not our war, into which we have been misguidedly drawn, which is steadily being escalated. This resolution is a further authorization for escalation unlimited. I am opposed to sacrificing a single American boy in this venture” (Senator Ernest Gruening, D-Alaska); “I believe that history will record that we have made a great mistake in subverting and circumventing the Constitution of the United States…I believe this resolution to be a historic mistake. I believe that within the next century, future generations will look with dismay and great disappointment upon a Congress which is now about to make such a historic mistake” (Senator Wayne Morse, D-Oregon).

As we look back at the almost decade since 9/11, we must ask ourselves: what have we done and what have we failed to do?

In Afghanistan

We are still at war with a people that have managed to best both the British and the Soviet Empires because they will not allow outsiders to tell them how to run their own country.  General Stanley McChrystal quite infamously flamed out, in of all places, Rolling Stone.  President Obama understandably relieved an insubordinate general, but failed to reflect upon the never-ending war in this quagmire of empires, instead choosing to “double down” in a new “surge.”  We remain at war with the Afghan people, we continue to prop up a puppet in the person of Harmid Karzai whose enforceable jurisdiction barely qualifies him to be the Mayor of Kabul, and we will likely, as we did in Vietnam, withdraw only to watch the country collapse into civil war.  

In Iraq

As this article is being written, American “combat troops” have left Iraq but nearly 50,000 have remained to support and augment the Iraqi security forces.  Despite years of hand-holding, including President Bush’s politically unpopular but militarily effective “surge,” the country is still unable to govern itself.  Iraq has been without a government for nearly 6 months now, as Sunni and Shia (terms most Americans are still unable to parse) cannot seem to find a way to work together.  There are 70,000 troops in Germany and the entire Third Marine Division on the island of Okinawa nearly 60 years after World War II.  We already have a model for garrisoning troops in areas of past war and we may continue to follow this prescription in Iraq.  If we were to completely leave Iraq, the country would likely collapse into civil war.  Colin Powell’s prescient (and unheeded) words to President Bush in Crawford during the lead-up to the war provide a tragic and fitting coda: “you break it (Iraq), you own it.”

In America

Although Guantanamo Bay is closing as a prison for terror suspects, many new secret prisons and “black sites” for interrogation have been opened.  This is, of course, to say nothing of the disgusting track record of Guatanamo Bay as a detainment camp.  Since September 11th 2001, 775 detainees have been brought to Guantanamo.  At this moment, 176 remain.  The vast majority of detainees (a cute legal novelty dreamed up by the Bush Administration) have been freed without charges or trial and only 3 have been convicted of anything.

Despite the fact that every single one of us who pays for air travel pays for our own security fees (check the “September 11th Security Fee” on your itinerary next time you are feeling curious) our government has still managed to feed us the lie that we can always be safe everywhere instead of the more reasonable and adult explanation that there are bad people out there who want to hurt others and that the best that security can do is manage this.  Incidents of domestic terrorism have risen since 9/11.

Worse than this, we now submit to naked body scanners at airports, which expose us to untold levels of radiation and worse, the indignity of the knowledge that our government archives, and does not delete, these images.

In the world

Terrorist attacks around the world have surged since 9/11, and as unmanned drones continue to bomb Pakistani civilians, Pashtuns on either side of the Afghan/Pakistani border will become increasingly radicalized.  But then again, we are no stranger to radicalization.  In 1998, acknowledging America’s role in arming Osama bin Laden and giving his movement impetus, Zbigniew Brzezinski infamously said: “What was more important in the world view of history? The Taliban or the fall of the Soviet Empire? A few stirred-up Muslims or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the Cold War?”  History has come to show Mr Brzezinski’s words (and conclusions) as rather simplistic and overstated.

Islam

Most Americans continue to view Islam in its mild Americanized expression.  In France, despite the fact that Laïcité is the secular law of the land, Muslims routinely (and with impunity) shut down city streets for Friday prayer.  This is to say nothing of the riots and murders that happened because of the Mohammed cartoon controversy.  Europe is becoming Muslim simply because Christians aren’t reproducing.  Muslims are reproducing, and at far more than the replacement rate, and so Europe is losing its even vestigial Christian remnants.

Perhaps we in America don’t see Islam as a threat because we still buy into the panacea of multiculturalism, which sees as inimical the idea of a people with a distinct cultural identity.  Everybody is the same as everyone else, and everyone contributes equally.  We in America see Islam as one more color of our multicultural rainbow to embrace, when we should see that it is a storm which threatens to smash the remaining stained glass windows of Western Civilization.

Lingering Questions

As new construction moves forward at Ground Zero in New York, and as “conservatives” mendaciously attempt to appropriate the rights of owners of private property, Americans still don’t know exactly what happened on 9/11.  The official government conspiracy theory is that 19 hijackers flew planes into buildings, that we had no clue this was going to happen and could do nothing to stop it, and that Osama bin Laden singlehandedly masterminded everything.

The 9/11 Commission Report (never read by most Americans) doesn’t address the anomaly of Building 7, which fell later in the day despite never having been hit by aircraft (or that its collapse was announced on the BBC 20 minutes before it happened).  It doesn’t address the fact that NORAD stood down while hijacked planes freely roamed the sky for 40 minutes.  And, it doesn’t address the President’s Daily Brief of August 6th, 2001, entitled “Bin Laden determined to strike in the US.”  The conventional wisdom has been to blame the terrorists rather than to examine our own failures.  The conventional wisdom prevented us from questioning the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution and Colin Powell’s fraudulent UN presentation.  

Conclusion

The Gulf of Tonkin was used to get America into the Vietnam War.  We learned, years later, that it was a lie, which necessarily premised the entire Vietnam War on a lie.  9/11 had much more juice, and scared Americans into two wars abroad and a nascent police state at home.  If we do not study and reflect upon the events of our history, we will be ill-equipped not only to judge our present situation, but also to recognize a new 9/11 when it happens.

To those whose deaths we remember this Saturday, our prayers are that your deaths will no longer be used to promote illegal and unjust wars and the end of domestic liberty.  We pray that we may, as yet, recover our republic, in a small way, by reading history, and more importantly, by understanding it.